(英文の記録なし)
大問1
The American government began to hire female
office workers in the 1860s, when much of the male labor force had gone into
the army during the Civil War*. The U.S. politician Francis Elias Spinner led
the way, overcoming opposition from the men in his office who preferred to keep
the office to themselves. Spinner kept the new employees away from any
sensitive work, assigning them light, thoughtless jobs instead as a kind of
experiment. To his pleasant surprise, the women did an excellent job. In
addition, you didn't have to pay them as much as the men. So he continued to
hire women after the war had finished, while laws were passed to ensure they
didn't cost too much: the maximum salary for women of $900 a year was
established in 1866, while that for men was
$1,800, "Some of the women are doing more and better work for $900
a year than men who were paid double that amount," Spinner said with
satisfaction in 1869.
Once it became clear that women were
perfectly good office workers, and often better than men, more women began to enter the office world. The
changes in proportion were enormous, accompanying the growth of the office
workforce itself. In 1870, there were eighty thousand office workers in
America; only 3 percent were women. Fifty years later, there were three million
office workers, of whom women made up nearly 50 percent.
With women filling most jobs in typing and
stenography, these jobs became so associated with them that the workers
themselves were often called "type-girls"; sometimes women were just
called "typewriters," ignoring the difference between human and
machine. Advertisements for the Remington typewriter the first widely used
office typewriter — featured mostly
women. Christopher Sholes, the designer of the first commercially produced
typewriter in 1867, called it "a blessing to mankind, and especially to
womankind."
The private secretary, too, gradually became
viewed as exclusively female. Because secretarial work offered no opportunity
for advancement, it was supposedly appropriate for women. "A woman is to
be preferred for the secretarial position," wrote W. H. Leffingwell,
"for she does not mind doing minor tasks, work involving small details,
which would annoy ambitious young men, who usually feel that they should be
doing work of importance."
By 1926, 88 percent of secretarial jobs were
held by women. Women made up nearly 100 percent of typists, stenographers, and
file clerks. The lowest positions in any office were likely to be occupied by
women. Even the term "office boy," meaning the lowest-paid job in the
workplace, came to refer to someone of either sex: one employment advertisement
from the 1920s said, "Wanted — a boy, either sex."
Though it was obviously useful for
companies to have cheap labor, there was
nothing new about unequal pay for women at the turn of the century that made
them preferable. Nor did men begin to consider women suitable for dull and
simple jobs overnight. The oversupply of women for the office was the result of
changes in the economy. Before and immediately after the Civil War, family
farms provided plenty of work for women. Fathers and mothers were less likely
to let their daughters move to the city when they were needed at home.
However, later, many of the goods formerly
produced on farms began to be made in cities and placed in stores across the
country. Factory-made clothing, canned goods, and bakery-made bread replaced
the hand-woven, self-farmed, and home-cooked goods that women were supposed to
provide in the home. Independent farmers themselves were being taken over by
larger farms. With money for small businesses disappearing and less work for
women to do in the home, the office was a great opportunity for women.
The new supply of workers was a perfect match
with the new needs of companies. Women provided a large supply of workers
willing to do uninteresting work with no possibility of becoming managers. The
structure of the workforce of the time depended on women being in the office.
(781 words)
| アメリカ女性の事務職への台頭の歴史 |
| アメリカでの女性の事務職への進出は南北戦争中に始まる。男性より低賃金で有能なため受け入れられた。その後,女性の事務職員は劇的に増加したが,タイビスト,秘書などオフィスでの最下層の職種に限定されていた。 |
大問2
College does not expect you simply to take
in more knowledge of the same kind that you acquired in high school. You will
learn new things, of course, but you will be expected to take a different
approach to your learning. In high school, knowledge tends to be treated as a
fact, as truth that reasonable people accept because the best authorities on
the subject maintain that it is true. But in college, knowledge tends to be
treated as current belief, as what reasonable people today believe because
there are good reasons to believe it even though new reasons might well come
along that would force us to revise our
views. As one writer put it, "What is treated in high school as eternal
and unchangeable fact will be treated in college as belief that may perhaps be
well supported at the present but that could turn out to be wrong."
Why is this? The simple answer goes back to the university's
role, which is not only to pass along knowledge but also to create it. Researchers at the college level
are aware that if our knowledge is to
advance, we must constantly be willing to question the conventional wisdom. We
must be willing to reexamine the evidence behind a claim rather than accepting
it blindly. At the same time, knowledge can move forward only by extending what
we already know. So scholars try to combine a respect for existing knowledge
with some doubts about it. The history of learning is a history of
revision — of mastering knowledge in
order to improve on it, (264 Wrods)
| 高校と大学の学習方法の違い |
| 高校では知識は確立した絶対的真理として扱われるが,大学では一時的で変更の可能性のある事柄として扱われる。大学の役割は知識の伝達にとどまらず,既存の知識に疑問を持ち,再検討し,知識を進歩させることだ。 |
大問1
[1] When my mother was eighty-five she inherited. from my son, a pet Russian tortoise named Miss Dinnerman. It lived in her yard, in a large pen* enclosing both shrubs and lawn, delineated by chicken wire*. My mother's knees were starting to go, so she'd had to curtail her traditional two-hour walks around the neighborhood. She was looking for a new friend, one she could easily access, and the tortoise got the job. She decorated the pen with rocks and pieces of wood and visited the animal every day, just like she used to visit the bank teller and the cashiers at Big Lots*. On occasion she even brought Miss Dinnerman flowers, which she thought made the pen look pretty, but which the tortoise treated like a delivery from the local Pizza Hut.
[2] My mother didn't mind. when the tortoise ( 4 ) her bouquets. She thought it was cute. "Look how she enjoys it," she'd say. But despite the cushy* existence, the free room and board, and the freshly cut flowers, Miss Dinnerman's main goal in life seemed to be escape. Whenever she wasn't eating or sleeping, Miss Dinnerman would walk the perimeter, poking around for a hole in the chicken wire. She would even try to climb it, as awkward as a skateboarder Lyngrto scale a ApLalr staircase. My mother saw this behavior, too, in human terms. To her, it was a heroic effort, like POW* Steve McQueen plotting his breakout from a Nazi camp in The Great Escape*. "Every creature wants freedom," my mother told me. "Even if she has it good here, she doesn't like being confined." My mother believed that Miss Dinnerman recognized her voice and responded to it. She believed that Miss Dinnerman understood her. "You're reading too much into her behavior," I told my mother. "Tortoises are primitive creatures." I would even demonstrate my point, waving my hands and hollering* like a crazy person, then pointing out how the tortoise just ignored me. "So what?" she'd say. "Your kids ignore you. and you don't call them primitive creatures."
[3] It can be difficult to distinguish willed, conscious behavior from that which is habitual or automatic. Indeed, as humans, our tendency to believe in consciously motivated behavior is so powerful that we read consciousness into not only our own behaviors but those of the animal kingdom as well. We do this with our pets, of course. It's called anthropomorphizing. The tortoise is as brave as a POW, the cat peed* on the suitcase because it was mad at us for going away, the dog must hate the mailman for some good reason. Simpler organisms*, too, can appear to behave with humanlike thoughtfulness and intentionality. The lowly fruit fly*, for example, goes through an elaborate mating ritual*, which the male initiates by tapping the female with his foreleg and vibrating his wing in order to play her a courtship* song. If the female accepts the advance, she will do nothing, and the male will take over from there. If she is not sexually receptive, she will either strike him with her wings or legs, or run away. Though I have elicited frighteningly similar responses from human females, this fruit fly mating ritual is completely programmed. Fruit flies don't worry about issues such as where their relationship is headed; they simply exercise a routine that is hardwired* within them. In fact, their actions are so directly related to their biological constitution that scientists have discovered a chemical that, when applied to a male of the species, will, within hours, convert a heterosexual fruit fly into one that is gay.
[ 4 ] Animals like fruit flies and tortoises are at the lower end on the brain- power scale, but the role of automatic processing is not limited to such primitive creatures. We humans also perform many automatic, unconscious behaviors. We tend to be unaware of them, however, because the interplay between our conscious and unconscious minds is so complex.
[5] We have an unconscious mind and, superimposed upon it, a conscious brain. How much of our feelings, judgments, and behavior is due to each can be very hard to say, as we are constantly shifting back and forth between them. For example; one morning we mean to stop at the post office on the way to work, but at the key intersection, we turn right, toward the office, because we are running on autopilot*--that is, acting unconsciously. Then, when trying to explain to the police officer the reason for our subsequent illegal U-turn, our conscious mind calculates the optimal* excuse, while our autopilot unconscious handles the proper use of gerunds, subjunctive verbs, and indefinite articles* so that our plea is expressed in fine grammatical form. If asked to step out of the car, we will consciously obey, then instinctively stand about four feet from the officer, although when talking to friends we automatically adjust that separation to about two and a half feet. (Most of us follow these unspoken rules of interpersonal distance without ever thinking about them and can't help feeling uncomfortable when they are violated.)
[6] Once attention is called to them, it is
easy to accept many of our simple behaviors (like making that right turn) as
being automatic. The real issue MI - is the extent to which more complex and
substantive behaviors, with the potential to have a much greater impact on our
lives, are also automatic — even though we may feel sure that they are
carefully thought through and totally rational. How does our unconscious affect
our attitude about questions like Which house should I buy? Which stock should
I sell? Should I hire that person to take care of my child? Or: Are bright blue
eyes into which I can't stop staring a sufficient basis for a long-term loving relationship?
(973 words)
| 人間の意識的な行動と無意識の行動 |
| 生物の行動を人間の行動になぞる擬人化が行われるが,生物の行動はプログラム化された無意識のものだ。人間の行動も無意識と意識が交差して日常的に行われている。重要な決定も無意識が影響している可能性もある。 |
大問2
[ 1 ] "Western
culture," Yi Fu Tuan * has written, "encourages an intense awareness
of self and, compared with other cultures, an exaggerated belief in the power and value of the individual. ...
This isolated, critical and self-
conscious individual is a cultural artifact. We may well wonder at its history. Children, we know, do not feel or
think thus, nor do nonliterate and
tradition-bound peoples, nor did Europeans in earlier times."
[ 2 ] Yi Fu Tuan
noted that in the evolution of the European house "more and more rooms were added that enabled the
householder and his family to withdraw
from specialized activities and to be alone if they should so wish. The house
itself stood apart from its neighbors." He mentioned the various ways in
which the middle-class or academic householder withdrew from the public sphere:
by a complete rejection of gainful employment in the home, by a sentimental
cult of closeness to nature, and finally by a clear-cut, unmistakable
separation of the residence (in the suburbs or in exurbia* or in the
condominiumized* wilderness) from the office or factory or classroom. I find
that the notices of houses for rent in the columns of the classifieds* in the
New York Review of Books or in the Nation * give a wonderfully concise
description of the ideal home of the professional or academic citizen:
"Charming, secluded, environmentally friendly house: three bedrooms,
three-car garage, swimming pool, solar energy, extensive library, breathtaking
views of unspoiled rural landscape. Ideal for sabbatical hideaway* or nature
contacts. No smokers need apply; no pets, no children."
[3] There is much
comfort in the thought that this decadence is confined to a very small class, and that now, as in the
past, the vast majority of Americans are
committed to a very_ different definition of the home. As one of the speakers at a 1990 conference
entitled "Home: A Place in the
World" observed, "Most historians have tended to generalize
for the whole society on the basis of
the middle-class experience. The process by which working-class families eventually adopted the
new domestic lifestyle has not been
documented... . For working-class families the home was not merely a private refuge; it was a resource
that could be used for generating extra
income."
[4] The academic and
professional middle class want their house to be as inconspicuous as possible, to avoid being
ostentatious, and to blend with the
natural environment. But for most of the rest of us, the house is there to be seen. It shows that we are permanent
members of the community —village,
neighborhood, parish*, school district, subdivision*. In the words of a
philosopher, "Property makes a man visible and accessible. I cannot see a
man's mind or his character. But when I see what he has chosen and what he does
with it, I know what he likes, and quite a good deal
[5] What the average
contemporary American dwelling tells us about the family is whether it is rich or poor and how
much it values public opinion. It tells
us nothing about how it makes its money, and reticence * on that score is one of the benefits of our emphasis
on privacy. But until three or four
centuries ago in Europe, the size and exterior features of the house told us the social status of the family and
how it contributed to the community;
that was because in those times home and place of work were one and the same. This was even true of the
house or castle of the nobleman*: by law he was allowed to adorn it with
castellations* and a moat and a dungeon
to indicate that he had juridical powers* and was committed to defending the community. The
number of bays* in the house of the
yeoman* indicated the number of acres he farmed and what he paid in taxes; in the case of certain
ancient homesteads*, a seven-foot fence
around them showed that the owner had the right to maintain the "King's Peace" among his servants
and in his family, without police
interference. The lowliest of houses was the one-bay "cottage"
with less than enough land to farm. The
cotter (or occupant) supported himself
and his family by working for others and by what we now call
cottage industries: the producing of
everyday items—tools, pots, harness*, even
food—which the other villagers could buy.
[6] Thus almost
every house in a medieval village participated in the life of the community—as a place of work or of
certain services. No less universal was the emphasis on visibility and
accessibility. The cottage was open to
the buying public and to the authorities; even the nobleman's house had its hall for public assembly and
its court for trials. It could be said that community flourished ( 29 )
privacy, not to preserve it. In towns where space was limited, the absence of
privacy was notorious. A family and its hired help often lived and worked in
one room, and much of their activity spilled over into the street, where they
displayed their wares. If the location of a house inconvenienced the flow of
traffic, or even if it was the scene of too much rowdiness and noise, it could
be moved or destroyed. Noble families were not exempt: they were obliged to
build houses which were appropriately large and ornate, with an imnosing facade
on the street. (994 words)
John Brinckerhoff
Jackson, A Sense of Place, A Sense of Time (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1994), pp. 138-40. (—ea go
| 家と共同体との関わりの歴史的考察 |
| 家がプラバシーを守る象徴とされるのは近年のことで,一部富裕層に限られる。家は住人の地位,人物を表現し,地域への関わりの象徴である。中世ヨーロッパでは家は共同体の一部であり,重要な役割をはたしていた。 |
大問2
Salopek is calling his Ethiopia-to-Chile
journey the Out of Eden Walk, and the
project is being sponsored by the Knight Foundation and National Geographic
magazine. A two-time Pulitzer Prize winner, Salopek submits one major article a
year about his travel experiences to the magazine, but updates his magazine blog with stories
approximately every 160 kilometers, usually every seven to ten days. Today,
completing such a journey would be considered an extraordinary achievement, yet
Salopek notes that our ancient ancestors walked approximately 4,000 kilometers
every year to hunt and gather food, about the same distance he covers each
year. [A]
Salopek writes that walking has affected him
in countless ways. ( 23 ) walking has made his legs and heart stronger, but he
has learned that traveling on foot in some of the poorest regions on earth is
not only more appealing but also more practical. Some places have no roads and aren't
accessible by car," he explains.
"In Ethiopia, few people own cars and everybody walks. However, in
wealthy Saudi Arabia, walking, when you can drive everywhere, is considered
especially crazy, which would explain why in 1,000 kilometers of walking only
one person chose to walk with me." Salopek doesn't think car ownership is
a bad thing, but he warns that it can take over our life and control not only
where we go but also what we do. Salopek explains, "By driving, we lose
connection with our environment. We are so dependent on cars that we fail to
realize how much they limit our appreciation of the world around us." [ B
Salopek's planned walk may be among the
longest in modern times, yet similar walks have been done before. Rory Stewart,
a British politician, took 21 months to walk across Iran, Pakistan, Nepal, and
Afghanistan. He did this because he was interested in getting to know the
people of these countries. As he states, "We live in a world which
tends only to focus on tourist
destinations, so we usually ignore 99 percent of the real country and its people."
By walking rather than driving, Stewart was forced to stop after 30 or so
kilometers every day and spend nights in village homes. This helped him meet
local people and learn about their everyday hopes and fears. No matter how
tired and hungry he was, Stewart enjoyed spending time with his hosts. He recommends that Salopek follow his
example. [ C
Salopek notes that many reporters prefer to
fly to worldwide locations to report on dramatic international news stories
which will appeal to readers who look for up-to-date information on their smartphones.
Once reporters have their stories, they quickly leave to look for more
sensational or thrilling news. Salopek instead intends that his brand of 'slow
journalism' will focus on how the local communities he encounters on his
travels are affected by global issues like climate change and technological
innovation. Other journalists find his slow way of reporting to be unusual. He
recalls one reporter saying to him, "Isn't it boring to walk? Getting
anywhere takes so much longer!"
Such a viewpoint, Salopek suggests, says nothing about the world but everything
about the questioner's lack of imagination.
ED
For Salopek, the
trek will not be without its trials. There will be days filled with fatigue and
loneliness, and there will be days filled with exploration and discovery.
Either way, it is already shaping up to be the journey of a lifetime. (689
words)
| 人類の足跡をたどるスロージャーナリズム |
| 著名な記者サロペクはエチオピアからチリに至る祖先のルートをたどる徒歩旅行をしている。彼は地元の人との交流を通して世界的な問題の影響を伝えるこの報道を現代の報道に対してスロージャーナリズムと呼んでいる。 |
大問2
Curry rice has become the most popular dish
in Japan. This may surprise visitors from abroad because Japan is not ( 28 )
known for spicy food. ( 29 ), Japanese people generally prefer more subtle
tastes and ( 30 ) very spicy tastes. So, how did curry rice become Japan's
favorite food?
The history of curry rice in Japan ( 31 )
thirty years after the Meiji Restoration, a period when Japan ( 32 ) sudden and
rapid modernization. During that period, a major part of Japan's modernization
effort was to ( 33 ) its military forces, especially its navy, primarily to
prevent colonization. However, navy officers and crew were ( 34 ) to disease
because of poor nutrition on the ships. Then, a British-trained doctor named
Kanehiro Takaki was able to determine that a ( 35 ) of vitamin B1 was the cause of disease, and therefore he
emphasized that the sailors' diet should be improved. When British and Japanese
officers started to ( 36 ) technological information, they also exchanged
recipes and discussed how to prepare food. One of the foods high in
vitamin B1 served ( 37 ) British ships
was a type of curry that the British had long ago ( 38 ) from India. It wasn't
long ( 39 ) that a variation on the British recipe was served with rice to the
Japanese sailors. The men soon developed a taste ( 40 ) curry rice. When the
sailors returned home, they ( 41 ) their love for the dish. Curry rice soon
spread ( 42 ) Japan.
Today, there are many Indian and Thai
restaurants in Japan and many of ( 43 ) serve a wide selection of spicy
curries. But for now, Japanese curry rice is still firmly the nation's favorite
and looks highly ( 44 ) to remain so for many years to come.
(313 words)
| カレーライスが日本の人気料理になった歴史 |
| カレーライスは日本で人気の料理だ。明治時代,ビタミンB1を補う料理としてカレー料理が英国船で出された。これをヒントにカレーライスが日本兵に提供され,この水兵らによってカレーライスが日本全国に広がった。 |
大問7
For thousands of years, many people around
the world have enjoyed relaxing in saunas. Recently, scientific research has
shown that ( 58 ) making people feel
good, saunas benefit people in many ways. First of all, when people sit in saunas
and sweat heavily, unhealthy substances are removed ( 59 ) the body. Everyone (
60 ) these substances from their environment, and the sweat produced by taking
saunas is a great way to detox. In addition, saunas help fight illness. As the
body is ( 61 ) to the heat of the sauna, it produces more white blood cells,
which fight disease. ( 62 ), saunas help to improve the condition of the heart.
Another important benefit of saunas is that they help people to sleep more (
63 ). The heat from saunas also helps
the body to ( 64 ) calories because the body uses up energy when it sweats.
Taking a sauna also helps to ( 65 ) mental health as many people report that
their stress level goes down after taking a
sauna. This is because the heat
from the sauna relaxes the body's
muscles and speeds up the blood ( 66 ).
In addition, the body produces chemicals that make us feel good and which are
normally released ( 67 ) physical exercise.
| 様々な効用のあるサウナ風呂 |
| サウナは気分を良くさせる他にも多くの効用がある。汗をかくことによる体内からの毒素排出,白血球の増加による免疫力向上,心臓の状態の改善,睡眠の増進,カロリー消費,血流がよくなりストレス軽減されるなどだ。 |
大問1 http://www.vanaqua.org/files/6914/5712/8939/water_March_4_2016.pdf
However, the numbers are not as bad as they
once were. In 2000, the United Nations (U.N.) set out to cut in half the number
of people without access to "improved water," that is, water sources
that are protected from pollution. The U.N. met this target in 2010.
But there is still more work to do. In
Eastern Asia there has been a steady drop in the number of people without
access to clean water since 1991, from about 1 in 3 to 1 in 25. But if you
break down the data according to country, you can see that Eastern Asia's
progress is mostly China's progress. Ninety-six percent of the 723 million Eastern
Asians who have gained access to improved water over the last 25 years live in
China.
Within many countries, access varies between
urban and rural areas. In 1990 almost three-quarters of the world's population
lived in rural areas. By 2015 that had
reversed, with the majority living in cities. As a result, while there are
fewer rural people without access to clean drinking water, improvements in
urban areas have been delayed.
The final divide comes between regions.
Southern and Eastern Asia (led by India and China), Southeast Asia, Latin
America, and Western Asia (the area we think of as the Middle East) all met the
U.N. targets. Meanwhile, Sub- (E3) Saharan Africa, which had low access
to water while facing dramatic population growth, failed to meet the targets in
2015.
Looking on the bright side, 2.6 billion
people have gained access to clean drinking water during the last 25 years. But
unless the world can find better (i14)
ways to get clean water to a rapidly urbanizing population in Africa and Asia,
the next 25 years might not be nearly as positive. (366 words)
| 世界での飲み水利用の改善と課題 |
| 飲み水を利用できない人の比率は減少し,2010年には国連の設定した飲み水利用者の目標を達成した。東アジアでは,中国を中心に改善が著しかったが,国内での地方と都市部,世界の地域間格差は依然として存在している。 |
大問2
https://www.sciencenewsforstudents.org/article/eating-breakfast-even-twice-truly-healthier-choice
Breakfast is food for both the brain and the
rest of your body, note (al) experts in
children's nutrition. Taking in those morning calories is important, (E2) even for people concerned about their
weight, a new study finds. Middle school students who ate breakfast were more
likely to have healthy weights than were those who skipped breakfast. This was
true even for students who ate two breakfasts: one at home and one at school.
(a3)
"Eating breakfast sets you up not to overeat later in the
day," concludes Marlene Schwartz. This psychologist studies obesity and directs the Rudd Center for Obesity & Food Policy at the University of Connecticut in Hartford. She is also one of the authors of the new study.
Breakfast is considered so important that
many schools now serve it as well as lunch. But at least one study has found
that a lot of the kids who take part can end up eating two breakfasts, Schwartz
notes. People became concerned that kids who ate breakfast both at home and at
school might become obese. In fact, however, Schwartz now notes, that's not
what her data have revealed.
Her group studied some 600 middle school
students. Over a period of three years, students from 12 different schools in
fifth, sixth, and seventh grades were asked about their breakfast habits.
Throughout the study, about 34 to 44 percent of all students said they
regularly ate breakfast at home. Up to 17 percent, or almost one in every six
kids, regularly ate breakfast at school. Overall, about one in every ten kids
reported eating breakfast both at home and at school.
Eating habits changed somewhat as the kids
got older. For instance, fifth graders were more likely to regularly eat
breakfast at home. But by seventh grade, 22 percent of the kids skipped
breakfast frequently.
Surprisingly, at every age, kids who ate
breakfast were less likely to be overweight. This was true even for those who ate breakfast both at home
and at school.
Indeed, the study found no evidence of
greater weight gain among students who ate double breakfasts. Rather, it found
that the students who skipped breakfast most often were those most likely to be
overweight or obese. (376 words)
| 朝食をとることは子供の肥満防止に有効 |
| 朝食は子供の健康に重要であり,朝食を提供する学校も多い。新たな研究によれば,朝食をとった子供はそうでない子供より肥満になりにくく,これは,家と学校で2度朝食を食べるこどもにも当てはまることが判明した。 |
大問8
http://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/willpower-do-you-think-you-can/3159018.html
In recent years, however, other psychologists have challenged this theory.
A new theory says that the amount of our available willpower is affected
by our attitudes about it. But first, let's go
back to the "limited supply" theory.
An experiment conducted I in the
199Us is the basis for the popular theory in psychology that willpower
is limited. The experiment is known as the Chocolate-and-Radish Experiment. Researchers put 67 study subjects in a
room filled with the smell of fresh, just baked chocolate cookies. But
instead of the warm , sweet chocolate cookies, the researchers asked one group of the
subjects to eat cold, bitter radishes and told the other group to eat the
chocolate cookies. Then they asked both groups to solve a difficult puzzle.
The group that had eaten the radishes gave up on the puzzle after 9 minutes.
The group that had eaten the chocolate cookies worked twice as long on solving the puzzle. The researchers concluded that the group that
had resisted eating the chocolate cookies had used up their willpower.
This suggests that willpower is like a muscle that can lose strength and
then tire.
Other experiments that support this theory
have found that willpower is like a hungry child in need of a "sugar
fix." When we use our willpower, it
robs our brains of energy or glucose, so feeding the brain a little
sugar when doing a difficult task helps fill up our reserves of willpower.
However, a new theory contradicts the idea
that willpower is limited and can be charged up with sugar. In 2013 Carol
Dweck, a professor of psychology, and her group of researchers asked 87 college
students to describe their beliefs about willpower. Some said they believed
willpower was a limited resource. Others said that they believed people had
plenty of willpower, and that the more it was used, the more it increases. Dweck then asked the study subjects to complete a difficult mental task.
This first task was followed by a second one that required the subjects
to use their willpower in order to resist an impulse.
Dweck described the results in an interview with a reporter for a science
news website. She said those who believed their willpower was limited grew
tired after the first task, and performed poorly on the second task. But
if they received a sugar fix before the second task, they performed better.
She also said those who believed willpower was limited always looked for
signs that they had lost willpower, or needed the sugar fix.
However, the study subjects who believed
willpower was not limited did not tire during the second task, and they did not
need a sugar fix. Dweck says that the results suggest that willpower is not
limited in supply. Instead, it is people's beliefs about their willpower that shape
their behavior. (585 words)
| 朝食をとることは子供の肥満防止に有効 |
| 朝食は子供の健康に重要であり,朝食を提供する学校も多い。新たな研究によれば,朝食をとった子供はそうでない子供より肥満になりにくく,これは,家と学校で2度朝食を食べるこどもにも当てはまることが判明した。 |
大問1
It's 9:30 p.m. on a Friday and I'm sitting
at my work desk busily trying to finish a task which is only halfway down my
list of things to do. I've been drinking coffee at an unhealthy rate since
early morning and I need another cup, so I head to the kitchen and there's
actually a line for the kettle! As it is every day, I'm not the only one that's
working late. This is Japan, where overtime is a normal feature of work life.
But can, or should, overtime be normal?
Japan has a bad reputation for long working
hours, recalling the "bubble" era when, we're told, employees at a
firm were more like soldiers belonging to an army. This habit of staying late
is said to have, in part, caused the country's remarkable economic growth
during the '80s. Now, though, people are starting to realize that overtime can
lead to depression and even work-related death. The indirect effect of work,
work, work is bad, bad, bad.
There's been a lot of talk about this issue.
Recently, I read in the news that the government is outlining a policy to limit
overtime hours. I have seen evidence of the (1)change in attitudes towards
overtime work. For example, friends have told me they have to take a day off if
they work too many hours. If this happens often then they must have a meeting
with their manager about how to improve their time management.
According to the latest available numbers,
Japan worked an average of 1, 729 hours in 2014, well behind South Korea and
just behind the United States. On the other hand, European countries like
France and Germany worked significantly less. My dad works for a bank back home
in London, which should mean that he works longer days than most. However, he
usually finishes work around 5:30 p.m. and says that all of his colleagues are
out of the office by 8 p.m. People only work after their regular hours if
there's an approaching due date — they
view overtime as '2\an occasional, necessary evil, not an accepted part of the
company culture.
So why are long working hours expected in
some countries whereas in others they aren't? Is it because of this well-known
notion of Japanese group behavior? However, I would argue that hard-working
America doesn't have this group mentality.
I think perhaps it's to do with the way we
measure success at work. We focus on the number of hours worked rather than
getting the job done. Working late automatically means you're doing a better
job, right? ,,a.Maybe it's time to think
carefully about our priorities. (441 words)
| 日本の長時間労働 |
| 長時間労働は悪いことが多いのに,日本は依然として世界の長時間労働の国に属する。政府,会社には変化の兆しがある。労働は成果ではかられるもので,労働時間で計るものではない,という意識改革が必要だ。 |
大問2
I had driven through the gate of the farm
and was about to get back into my car when I noticed (1)something unusual. There was a frozen pond
just off the path, and among the bushes that surrounded it a small object stood
out, shiny and black.
I went over and looked closer. It was a tiny
kitten, probably about six weeks old, curled up and not moving, its eyes
tightly closed. Bending down, I gently touched the little body. It must be
dead; little thing like this couldn't possibly survive in such cold. But no,
there was a sign of life because the mouth silently opened for a second and then closed.
Quickly I lifted the little creature and
placed it inside my coat. As I drove closer to the barn I called to the farmer
who was carrying two buckets out to the young cows. "I've got one of your
kittens here, Mr. Butler. It must have wandered outside."
Mr. Butler put down his buckets and gave me
a strange look. "Kitten? We don't have any kittens right now."
I showed him what I
had found and he looked more puzzled.
(2)"Well that's a mystery, there's no
black cats around here. We have all sorts of colors, but no black ones."
"Well he must have come from somewhere
else," I said. "Though I can't imagine anything so small traveling
very far. It's rather strange."
I held the kitten
out and he took it into his big, rough hands.
"Poor little fellow, he's just barely
alive. I'll take him into the house and see if my wife can do something for
him."
In the farm kitchen
Mrs. Butler was very concerned.
"Oh, how sad!" She patted the
dirty, wet hair with one finger. "And it has such a pretty face. I'll get
some warm milk into him, but first of all we'll give him the old cure."
She went over to the oven on the big black
kitchen stove, opened the door and put him inside.
I
smiled. lit was the classical
procedure when newly born sheep were suffering from too much cold; into the
oven they went and the results were often dramatic. Mrs. Butler left the door
open a little and I could just see the little black shape inside; he didn't
seem to care what was happening to him. Later, when I came back into the
kitchen, I kept looking over at the oven.
Mrs. Butler laughed.
"Oh he's still with us. Come and have a look."
It was difficult to see the kitten in the
dark oven but when I saw him I put out my hand and touched him and he turned
his head towards me.
"He's waking
up," I said. "That hour in
(3)there has made a wonderful difference."
"Doesn't often
fail." The farmer's wife lifted him out. "I think he's a tough
one."
She began using a
spoon to place warm milk into the tiny mouth.
"I suppose
we'll have him drinking by himself in a day or two."
"You're going
to keep him, then?"
"Yes, we are.
I'm going to call him Moses."
"Moses?"
"Yes, you found
him in the bushes, didn't you?"
I laughed.
"That's right. It's a good name."
* * *
I was on the
Butler's farm about three weeks later and I kept looking around for Moses.
"Come over here with me if you have a
minute," Mr. Butler said. "I have something to show you."
I followed him through the door, across a
small path, and into the pig house. He stopped in the middle and pointed to the
left.
"Look
here," he said.
I leaned over and my face must have shown my
surprise because the farmer suddenly began laughing.
"That's
something new for you, isn't it?"
Shocked, I looked down at a large pig
stretched comfortably on her side, feeding a group of about twelve little pigs,
and right in the middle of the long row of pink was Moses, smooth and black. He
was drinking milk and it looked as if he was enjoying it just as much as his
pink little friends on either side.
"What the..
. ?" I said, and stopped.
Mr. Butler was still laughing. "I
thought you'd never seen anything like that before, I never have."
"But how did it
happen?" I said, still staring.
"It was my wife's idea," he
replied. "When she had gotten the little kitten to drink milk she took him
out to find a warm place for him in one of the barns. She chose this place
because the pig, Bertha, had just given birth and I had a heater in here — it was nice and cozy."
I smiled. "That
sounds about right."
"Well, she put
Moses and a bowl of milk in here," the farmer continued, "but the
little
kitten didn't stay
by the heater very long. The next time I looked, 4he was over here at the drink bar."
I laughed. "They say you see something
new every day as an animal doctor, but this is something I've never even heard
of!" (851 words)
| 子豚と一緒に母ブタの乳を飲む子猫 |
| 筆者が農家を訪問したとき,入り口で瀕死の黒猫の赤ちゃんを見つけた。農家に連れて行き介護をしてもらったところ,その家で引き取ることになった。3週間後訪れると,子猫は子豚に一緒に母豚のミルクを飲んでいた。 |
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| このページは備忘録のようなもの。未来への自分への記録みたいなもんです。日記かもしれない。毎年,この時期に何をしていたのか,読んだ英文についてどのようなことを感じ,考えたのか,そんなことをあとで思い返すためのものです。これは旺文社の担当に初めてなった2002年が全く記録がなく,覚えてもいなかったからです。それ以来もう15年経ちました。その時々でこの時期は違い,研修旅行で海外に行っていたり,転勤と重なったり,東日本大震災の年以降はディベートの準備,遠征ということも恒常化しております。今年度はちょっと私的なことがあって,あまり集中できる状況になく,6大学分(ほぼ折り返し地点)まで,記録を怠りました。また,要約のためにやっていた全訳もお休み。段落毎にざっと大意をとって,そのまま100字要約に突入。幸い,今年度は上智大学以外は比較的取り組み易くそれでなんとか対応できました。英文は担当した大学のレベルもあり,かなり平易な感じ。よって英文も平坦で印象が薄い感じです。 |
大問1
When the Austrian housekeeper Maria Turnsek
agreed to *smuggle a young Jewish boy out of Nazi-occupied Vienna, she had no
idea of the price she would pay. Betrayed by a former friend, she was accused
of kidnap and could not get back home to her own seven-year-old son, Helmut. It
would be nine years before they met again.
Now, almost 60 years after her death, Irma
Maria Turnsek, who arrived in Britain in the 1930s and was known as Maria, is
finally being recognised for her heroism. She will be *posthumously awarded the
title of *Righteous Among the Nations at the Israeli Embassy in London this
week.
Administered by Yad Vashem, the Holocaust
centre in Israel, the title is awarded to non-Jews such as the German
industrialist Oskar Schindler and Raoul Wallenberg, a Swedish architect, who
risked their lives to save Jews during the Second World War.
【】For more than 50 years, her son Helmut had shared little
about his story with his wife and children, preferring not to burden them with
the traumas of his past. But in the late stages of lung cancer, Mr Turnsek
opened up to Anne Mossack, a visiting social worker from the North London
Hospice. At his home in Finchley, north London, Mr Turnsek told her about his
mother's heroism and his desire to see her recognised.
In 1938 Maria, a Catholic, worked as a
housekeeper in Vienna for Kathe Leichter, a Jewish sociologist. The women, both
members of the banned Socialist party, had young sons who played together and
were friends. As the situation worsened, Mrs Leichter, who as a Jew was banned
from travel, begged her housekeeper to take her son, Franz, to join his father
in Paris. After *agonising *deliberations, Maria agreed to smuggle the boy out
of the country by passing him off as her own. Once Franz was with his father,
she intended to return to Helmut, who was being cared for by his *childminders.
The women were betrayed by an *informant.
Mrs Leichter was arrested and sent to Ravensbriick *concentration camp, where
she died in 1942. Wanted for kidnap, Maria was unable to return and so fled to
England. Nine years passed before she saw her son again. In the *interim,
Helmut's childminders died, and he was sent to a series of *orphanages. It was
only through the Red Cross that mother and son were able to exchange 25 words
twice a year.
Soon after arriving in London, Maria was
taken on as a housekeeper for Geoffrey Hutchinson, a prominent lawyer and Tory
*MP who later became a life peer. Maria was helped by her employer to get her
son, who was a *displaced person, out of Austria. Mother and son rebuilt their
lives in London. Helmut married, qualified as a lawyer and went on to become
deputy legal adviser to the Crown Estate.
After his mother died in 1956, Mr Turnsek
spoke little of his past. Decades later, he told the social worker that he had
contacted Yad Vashem about his mother but that nothing had come of it. Mrs
Mossack then decided to contact the centre herself. She said: "I had to
see if I could try to get Maria the recognition she deserved."
Yad Vashem tracked Franz Leichter down in
New York, where he had lived since 1940. Like Mr Turnsek, he was a lawyer and
later went on to serve as a state senator. The two men got in touch via email.
"All this really borders on the
miraculous!" wrote Mr Turnsek to his childhood friend.
Mr Leichter replied: "I feel indebted
to you, who suffered because of your mother's heroic and generous act in
taking me out of Austria as her son."
In April 2014 Mr Leichter flew to London for
an emotional reunion but Mr Turnsek died a week later.
His widow, Doreen, told The Times:
"When Franz walked into the house after all those years he said to Helmut,
`I owe you my life."' She added: "Maybe he was holding on to meet
Franz, maybe he let go knowing his mother's story would be told."
Now, 18 months after his death, Mr Turnsek's
mother will be added to the Wall of Honour in the Garden of the Righteous at
Yad Vashem. Mr Leichter and his family will return to London for the ceremony.
"I wouldn't miss it," Mr Leichter said from New York. "Irma
risked her life to save me. Crossing through Germany at that time was very
dangerous. If anyone had questioned her papers she would have been arrested
and, at the very least, sent to a concentration camp." 1-1
Irena Stienfeldt, director of the Righteous
Among the Nations department, said: "Despite the passing of time, Yad
Vashem is deeply committed to commemorating the rescuers. In this case, Irma
Turnsek and her son had lost touch with the rescued person, and we were able,
more than 70 years after the events, to trace Franz Leichter in the United
States and obtain his testimony."
(835 words)
| 「諸国民の中の正義の人」の称号,家政婦へ |
| 大戦中にユダヤ人の男の子の国外逃亡を助けた家政婦マリアは没後60年,息子の願い,介護士の仲介,助けられた男の証言によって,ユダヤ人のための英雄的行為に対して「諸国民の中の正義の人」の称号が与えられた。 |
大問2
Each of us has memories that we wish we
could erase, and memories that we cannot
off summon no matter how hard we try. At New York University and other
institutions, scientists have begun to identify genes that appear to make
proteins that *enhance memory, and genes that clearly interfere with it. Both
kinds of discovery raise the *tantalizing, if preliminary, hope of a new
generation of drugs, some of which could help people remember and some that
might help them forget.
Until memories are fixed, they are fragile and easily destroyed. これまでに電話"番号や住所を覚えようとしている問に邪魔されたことのない人はいるだろうか。 That memory almost invariably
slips away, because it never had time to form. (This also explains why accident
victims often have trouble recalling events that occurred just before a car
crash or other severe trauma.) It takes a few hours for new experiences to
complete the *biochemical and electrical process that transforms them from
short-term to long-term memories. Over time, they become stronger and less
vulnerable to interference, and, as scientists have argued for nearly a
century, they eventually become *imprinted onto the *circuitry of our brains.
That process is referred to as *consolidation. Until recently, few researchers
challenged the *paradigm; the only significant question about consolidation
seemed to be how long it took for the cement to dry.
For years, though, there have been
indications that the process is less straightforward than it seems. In 1968, a
team at Rutgers University, led by Donald J. Lewis, published the results of an
experiment in which rats were conditioned to retrieve memories that had, presumably,
been stored permanently. First, the scientists trained the rats to fear a
sound. The next day, Lewis played the sound again and followed it immediately
with a shock to the head. To his surprise, the rats seemed to have forgotten
the negative association; they no longer feared the sound. That seemed odd; if
the memory had truly been wired into the rat's brain, a mild shock shouldn't
have been able to *dislodge it. The experiment wasn't easily repeated by
others, though, and few *neuroscientists paid much attention to such a
*singular and *contradictory finding.
Not long afterward, in seemingly unrelated
research, the psychologist Elizabeth Loftus embarked upon what has turned into
a decades-long examination of the ways in which misleading information can
*insinuate itself into one's memory. In her most famous study, she gave two
dozen subjects a journal filled with details of three events from their
childhoods. To make memories as accurate and compelling as possible, Loftus
*enlisted family members to assemble the information. She then added a fourth,
completely *fictitious experience that described how, at the age of five, each
child had been lost in a mall and finally rescued by an elderly stranger.
Loftus seeded the false memories with plausible information, such as the name
of the mall each subject would have visited. When she interviewed the subjects
later, a quarter of them recalled having been lost in the mall, and some did so
in remarkable detail.
"I was crying and I remember that day...
I thought I'd never see my family again," one participant said, in a taped
interview. "An older man approached me.... He had a flannel shirt on.... I
remember my mom told me never to do that again." These assertions were
delivered with a precision and a certainty that few people could have doubted,
except that there was no man in a flannel shirt and no *admonition from the
subject's mother. Memory "works a little bit more like a Wikipedia
page," Loftus said in a recent speech. "You can go in there and change
it, but so can other people."
Loftus has been *vilified for demonstrating
that even the most vivid and detailed *eyewitness accounts-a "recovered
memory" of sexual abuse, for example-can be inaccurate or completely
false. "She changed the world." Elizabeth Phelps told me recently,
when we met in her office at New York University, where she is the Silver
Professor of Psychology and Neural her Science. "The notion of the
unreliability of memory has changed courtrooms in America, and it is completely
owing to Elizabeth's *persistence in the face of a very harsh *backlash."
(733 words)
| 記憶は作られる |
| 記憶を左右する遺伝子が確認されている。記憶の定着のメカニズムは解明されているように見えるが,反証となる研究がある。記憶が定着しない動物実験,恣意的な情報によって,誤った記憶が形成されるという研究だ。 |
大問3
Charity--- humanity's most *benevolent
impulse-is a timeless and borderless virtue, dating at least to the dawn of
religious feac.lling. Philanthropy as we understand it today, however, is
a
f-'1 distinctly American phenomenon, inseparable from the nation that
shaped it. From colonial leaders to modern *billionaires like Buffett, Gates and
Zuckerberg, the tradition of giving is woven into our national DNA.
Like so many of our social structures, the
formal practice of giving money to aid society traces its origin to a Founding
Father. Benjamin Franklin, an *icon of individual industry and *frugality even
in his own day, understood that with the privilege of doing well came the price
of (-f
doing good. When he died in 1790, Franklin thought of future generations, leaving
in trust two gifts of 1,000 *lb. of *sterling silver-one to the city of Boston,
the other to Philadelphia. *Per his instruction, a portion of the money and its
*dividends could not be used for 200 years.
While Franklin's gifts lay in wait, the
tradition he established evolved alongside the young nation. After the Civil
War, rapid industrialization concentrated *unfathomable wealth in the hands of
a few, creating a period of unprecedented inequality. In response, the steel
*magnate Andrew Carnegie pioneered scientific philanthropy, which sought to
address the underlying causes of social ills, rather than their symptoms. In
his lifetime, Carnegie gave away more than $350 million, the equivalent of some
$9 billion today. His 1889 essay "Wealth"-now better known as
Carnegie's "The Gospel of Wealth" -effectively launched modern
philanthropy by creating a model that the wealthy continue to follow.
Two decades later, John D. Rockefeller
*endowed the Rockefeller Foundation, which soon became the largest such
"benevolent trust" in the world. Prior to World War II, the
Rockefeller Foundation provided more foreign aid than the entire federal
government.
America's philanthropic instinct is not
limited to the rich. The nation's history is *rife with people like Oseola
McCarty, a Mississippi washerwoman who gave away her life savings of $150,000
in 1995 to fund college scholarships for low-income students with promise.
What accounts for this culture of
generosity? The answer is not solely *altruistic. Incentives in the tax *code,
for one, encourage the well-off to give. And philanthropy has long helped
improve the public image of everyone from robber barons to the new tech elite.
More troubling, however, are the
foundational problems that make philanthropy so necessary. Just before his
death, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote, "Philanthropy is *commendable,
but it must not cause the philanthropist to overlook the circumstances of
economic injustice which make philanthropy necessary."
Indeed, King illuminates a central
contradiction: philanthropy is an *offspring of the market, conceived and
sustained by returns on capital, yet its most important responsibility is to
help address the market's imbalances and inadequacies.
Only (
) years ago, the last of Franklin's gifts were finally made available,
having multiplied to $6.5 million. More than the sum, they represent a broader
principle: We are * custodians of a public trust, even if our capital was
derived from private enterprise, and our most important obligation is ensuring
that the system works more equally and more justly for more people. This belief
is core to our national character. America's greatest strength is not the fact
of perfection, but rather the act of perfecting. (550 words)
| アメリカ人の国民性の核,フィランソロピー |
| フランクリンに始まる,稼いだお金は社会に還元するという慈善精神は大金持ちのみならず広くアメリカの伝統として根付いている。フィランソロピーと同時に不平等を生み出している制度も見過ごすべきではない。 |
【3月28日】
大問1
Glaciers are large, slow moving- rivers of ice. They are often found
in mountains or in the
colder polar regions. Although
glaciers are a well-known 17)
natural phenomenon recently scientists
have come to believe that some of
the glaciers in the Antarctic might hold secrets about whether life
exists on other planets. The focus of their interest is the phenomenon
of subglacial lakes.
As
the, name suggests, subglacial lakes are lakes that are located
deep under glacial ice. The idea of a lake
existing within a ;'lacier might
seem odd, as one might reasonably assume that all the water within a glacier
would be frozen solid.
However, because of geothermal
heating and heating created by
the tremendous pressure caused by the weight of the glacial ice pushing
down, it is possibk: for large
amounts of water to
remain in a liquid state. This water
can then come together and form a
lake. A Russian scientist named Peter Kropotkin was
the first t() suggest that large fresh water lakes might
exist under glaciers. In the early 1.960s, a Russian geographer named Audrey Icapista suggested that a glacial lake might be present under Vostok Station, the Russian research station in
Antarctica. Subsequent research A
and the large subglacial lake under
the research station was named Lake
Vostok.
Scientists have an immense interest in subglacial
lakes, because they are isolated ecosystems that have been untouched for tens of millions of years. By researching subglacial lakes we can [ S
I . We can learn about how life
developed on Earth, and how life might exist on other planets.
Scientists have found these lakes using satellite images and radio-echo sounding,
the latter of which is a technology that
]. Radio-echo sounding yields data that is amazingly accurate. Using this technique, several subglacial lakes have now been [
This
technique has also helped
researchers find subglacial lakes
on other planets in our
solar system. There. is
evidence that there are subglacial lakes
on E.:tiropa, one of
the many moons that orbits Jupiter,
and also on Enceladus, a moon that orbits Saturn. [ E ]
are intensely interested in subglacial lakes as the subglacial lakes in
Antarctica could very, well have many
attributes in common with
places like Europa and Enceladus.
Recently, scientists think that they might
have discovered another huge subglacial
lake in Antarctica that. is. 100 :kilometers
long and 10 kilometers wide.
Scientists are excited by the
po.ssibility that pr .historic
forms of life from 25
million years ago might still be
present in these: icy waters.
There is still much to discover, but.
scientists hope that they can soon learn about
life on other planets from our
very own Antarctica. (447 words)
| 極地に存在する氷底湖の研究について |
| 極地に地熱と氷の圧力によってできた氷底湖の存在が確認されている。広大な氷底湖も発見されており,科学者は孤立した生態系で太古の生物を発見する可能性や他の惑星での生命の存在への研究進展に期待している。 |
大問2
Music has long played an important role in
human culture. Every human societz)
in gall corners of the world, including the
smallest; isolated tribes,
has music as a part of their culture. Music is a fundamental part of human
life.
While
most of us enjoy
listening to music, there is also
a scientific reason for this. It has
lon: been known that music has an effect on the reward system within our
brain. Just as a delicious meal gives us
a feeling of reward,
A 1 . Music
engages the emotion-processing- regions of our brain and
gives us energy, or helps us to relax.
Our brains
process music much differently than we
process sounds from other
sources. When listening to music, dopamine is often released into the brain.
Dopamine is a chemical substance
in the brain that, [ B I , makes us
feel good. It is an integral part
of the reward mechanism that makes us feel good. Although the release.
of doparnine is often associated with food or sex, it is also associated with music. A study, published in
the journal Nature Neuroscience, found that the brain
releases dopamine not only during
our favorite parts of songs, but also during the build-up to the
favorite parts. This finding suggests
that [ C
J is a major part of the pleasure
that. we get from music.
Scientists are also discovering that music helps us to exercise our
brains. When we listen to
music, the brain is stimulated,
and scientists have found that
music also stimulates the parts of the
brain associated with movement, motor planning and
attention. [ D I study
found that office workers who
were allowed to
listen to music that they themselves had chosen were able to complete their tasks more quickly. [ study found that children who had taken music lessons
did better in subjects like
language, reading, and math than their non-musical
class-mates.
During the 1990s,
the positive effects of music on the
brain were popularized by something
known as the Mozart Effect, Which is a
theory that proposes that
listening to [ it
b).' 2 make 3 you 4 can 5
composed 6 Mozart 7
music] smarter. This theory
vas based on a few studies
that found that research:
subjects who listened to
Mozart improved their
performance of certain mental
tasks. Today, however, and with all due
respect to Mozart lovers, the accepted theory is that while
taking music lessons as a child can help to improve brain function, there is [
F uniquely beneficial about the music of
Mozart.
Music is part of human life. As noted by musician and neuroscientist Daniel Levitin,
"Whenever 'humans come
together for any reason, music
is there." We listen
to musk at weddings, at funerals, at graduation
ceremonies, at stadium sport
events, when we go out on the
town, and when mothers sing their infants to sleep. Music
is part of our everyday life. And now we
know there is also a scientific reason
for this. (500 words)
| 文化の中心をになう音楽の役割の科学的考察 |
| 音楽の重要性を説明する科学的根拠がある。音楽によって脳内にドーパミンが分泌され快楽がもたらされる。また,音楽によって活動が活発化し他の作業や学習にも好影響を与える。このことは音楽全般にあてはまる。 |
【3月30日】
大問2
What are the five
greatest Japanese inventions?
A lot of people might start talking about
Walkman or the VHS or even the "just-in-time" manufacturing system,
whatever that may be. I think they are barking up the wrong tree.
The truly great inventions are often not
considered "inventions", but are ideas that seep into our culture and
lives so thoroughly we don't notice them. The weekend, for example. Who decided
that we should have two days off out of seven? There is nothing in our biology
or even our theology that compels it. We made it up out of nowhere. People who
have weekends off may take it for granted (unless it is threatened). People who
don't have weekends off fantasize about it. The weekend is simply a brilliant
idea.
Japan, I think, is full of brilliant ideas both large and small.
Perhaps the most obvious is hanami. Just as
it becomes warm enough to sit outside, Japan has a nationwide sit-outside
party. After a long winter, it is wonderfully therapeutic. And the blooming of
the cherry trees is an act of scheduling genius. I sometimes wonder whether
Japanese fixed their new intake of students and company employees to the hanami
season so that everyone can start off with a session of "bonding through
booze". It is also the perfect introduction to company life for new boys.
To be told "sit there and keep a space for us until work finishes"
must enable them to grasp in a single moment how hierarchy works — and how the
talents of newcomers are deployed.
Funnily enough, fond as I am of drinking, it
isn't the drink that I like about hanami. My pet hates include drinking in the
daytime, enforced drinking, drinking to deliberate excess and shouting loudly.
Visit Ueno Park at hanami time and I think you will see my point.
I think hanami has all got too far away from
the actual looking at the blossoms",
which are genuinely spectacular. Perhaps I can suggest a new drinking game to
restore the balance: before each new drink you must seek out a different kind
of sakura tree. I think even an amateur can locate five or six varieties in a
decent-sized park. And for the determined drinker, there are hundreds of
different types in existence, I hear.
(384 words)
| 日本の5大発明の一つ「お花見」 |
| すぐれた発明は週休二日制のような日常生活に定着している思想だ。日本の代表的な発明は花見だ。花見の時期は学生にも社会人にも絶妙だが,宴会に重きが置かれすぎている。もっと桜の観賞をしたらどうだろうか。 |
大問3
[Paragraph 1] Humans often wonder about
whether or not there are other forms of life in the universe. Although some
people claim that they have had contact with extraterrestrial life (Mack), as
far as I know there is no definitive evidence that alien life exists on other
planets. But researchers are looking for evidence. For example, Borucki and his
colleagues have built a telescope that searches for intelligent life, and they
actually found at least one planet that might possibly hold life (PBS NewsHour,
"A possible second home for humanity found, but the commute's brutal"). Sagan writes that it is
possible that extraterrestrials are sending radio signals, and suggests that we
should use radio telescopes to find them. The organization SETI (Search for
Extraterrestrial Intelligence) has radio telescopes that are currently doing
this (PBS NewsHour, "A possible
second home for humanity found, but the commute's brutal"). I think that it is very
important for humans to continue to search for extraterrestrial life because
the search will help us learn about the universe, and if we find
extraterrestrial life, this information will be very useful to scientists and
humanity.
[Paragraph 2] Searching for extraterrestrial
life is beneficial because the search will help us learn about the universe.
When scientists look for extraterrestrial life, they use scientific instruments
(telescopes, etc.) to study particular parts of the universe. Therefore, even
if we do not find clear evidence of extraterrestrial life, we learn more about
other stars, planets, etc., and this information can help us learn more about
the properties of the universe that we live in. This knowledge might eventually
have applications for the development of space travel, methods for producing
energy, and technologies that we maybe can't even imagine.
[Paragraph 3] Knowledge about
extraterrestrial life, if we actually find it, will be extremely useful to
scientists. Even if the extraterrestrials are not intelligent, studying their
biology would help us learn about what types of life, not found on earth, are
possible in the universe. This knowledge might have applications for the
development of medicines that are beneficial to humans, and could lead to
advances that improve the health and longevity of humans.
[Paragraph
4] Contact with intelligent extraterrestrials, if this happens, could
lead to greater technological developments that are beneficial to humanity. If
we are able to contact and communicate with extraterrestrials that have an
advanced civilization, they might be able to share important knowledge with us
that we can use to develop useful technologies. For example, extraterrestrials
might be able to share information that improves human medicine (enabling
people to live longer), leads to improved methods of space travel (enabling
humans to travel to other planets),
leads to the development of non - polluting energy sources, and overall helps
humans live together more peacefully.
[Paragraph 5] In conclusion, I think that it
is important for scientists to continue searching for extraterrestrial life
because the search brings us knowledge about the universe that we live in, and
if we actually find extraterrestrial life, we will obtain information that
could lead to important advances in scientific areas of study such as biology
and medicine. Information obtained from intelligent extraterrestrial life forms
could also lead to extraordinary technological advances that improve our lives.
Lastly, searching for extraterrestrial life may enable us to one day find out
whether or not we are alone in the universe, and if we are not alone, there is
much that we can learn.
(574 words)
| 人類に寄与する地球外知的生命探査 |
| 地球外生物探査を継続すべきだ。生命体探査を通じて,宇宙の理解が深まり,新たな技術開発に寄与する可能性がある。生命体を発見できれば,医学,生物学の進歩につながり,知的生命体からは学習できる可能性もある。 |
【4月10日】
大問1
The most traditional definition of a human
community was "a group of people larger than a family that interact."
A community may include people who have at least one common point of interest.
In the past, community members lived relatively close to one another in one
geographical location: in the same building, on the same street, in the same
neighborhood or area, or in the same village, town, or city. Nowadays, however,
the word community can mean a national, an international, or even an online
group of interacting individuals. Therefore, a "new" definition of
community might be "a group of people that recognize that they have
something in common."
A few kinds of communities share both
physical location and other features. One example is a retirement community for
people over a certain age. Another is an intentional community (a group with
resources, responsibilities, or a common purpose, such as a social, economic,
political, or spiritual goal). On college or university campuses, for instance,
they may live in places like dormitories or shared apartments; in other areas
of life, intentional communities can be business, school, church, or other
groups that live, work, or at least meet in person. Many other interacting
groups nowadays, however, are virtual communities. Their members seldom, if
ever, get together physically. Instead, they connect from a distance over the
Internet: on computers, smart phones, and other wireless devices. Research into
these kinds of groups is relatively new. Even so, some of their features are
similar to those of real-life communities; others are very different.
Individuals might "get together" in
forums, chat rooms, e-mail discussion groups, and community areas within big
social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter, LINE, Snapchat, and others.
They may make use of blogs, wikis, or web applications. And what features do
these virtual locations have in common? First, they are likely to include
print, audio, visual, and/or moving content about topics of interest to
members. Second, participants can probably communicate with "delayed
timing," as through e-mail or newsgroups. And third, people may connect in
"real time," like through chatting, texting, or other kinds of
instant messaging; their interaction is like real-life networking.
Just as in real-life social communities of
the past and present, members of tai
virtual communities tend to participate in general steps. As an illustration,
individuals might first observe from the outside. Second, they begin to take
part as "newcomers." If they participate regularly, contribute to
community purposes, if any, and perhaps take risks, they become committed
"insiders." "Full members" may turn into
"leaders," who take responsibility for others; their participation is
likely to help keep the community going and growing. Finally, some
"retirees" leave the network for various reasons: perhaps because of
new relationships in different locations, changing interests, or problems in
other areas of their lives. Or they may not have enough time, energy, or other
resources to continue contributing.
One general truth is that they tend to vary
widely. For instance, there may be no, only a few, or a huge number of people
involved in a site at any one time; they may participate for only a short time
or forever. The level of responsibility of full members is likely to differ
greatly, too. So is the amount of time and energy they contribute: some people
are doing something online virtually all the time; others take part only
occasionally. Also, people are likely to be involved in different ways: for
example, some only read or hear content but don't add any or much information
of their own. And finally, the element that connects people in a network can be
almost anything-like any common identity, purpose, interest, problem, need,
belief, experience, or another motivation.
How do individuals decide to get or stay in
-or keep far away from-them? According to researchers, the three most
motivating elements are payback, obligation, and social acceptance. First, the
advantages of membership must turn out to be worth the "cost" (like
the amount of time, energy, money, or other resources contributed). Second, if
people feel responsible for an interacting group, they may feel they must keep
contributing. And third, people are more likely to stay in a socially
acceptable group -- or a network in which they feel accepted and valued by
others.
A great advantage of online communities is that
they build relationships among many different kinds of people; age, cultural
identity, and lifestyle become unimportant. But what are potential challenges
of virtual relating?
First, there may truly be risk involved, or
people may feel unsafe in various ways, such as financially, physically,
personally, or socially. Identity is another possible problem; individuals
don't have to tell the truth about themselves online, so there can be deception
involved. A third possibility is online harassment. And finally, if there is
not enough privacy, members can get themselves - and others - into big trouble.
In summary, virtual communities are similar
to groups that exist in physical reality in several ways. Is continuing and
growing interaction online likely to improve human relationships? Or will it
change the definition of "community" into something completely
different in today's physical and virtual world? (854 words)
| 実生活の人間社会と仮想社会の共通点 |
| ネット上の仮想社会と現実の人間社会には相違点もあるが,類似点も多い。人と人のつながり方,入会から退会に至る過程,集団への多様な関わり方,入会・退会の理由,所属することでの危険性などは類似している。 |
大問2
A light drizzle was falling as my sister
Jill and I ran out of the church, eager to get home and play with the presents
Santa had left for us and our baby sister, Sharon. Across the street from the
church was a gas station where the Greyhound bus stopped. It was closed for
Christmas, but I noticed a family huddling outside the locked door, under the
narrow roof in an attempt to keep dry. I wondered briefly why they were there
but then forgot about them as I raced to keep up with Jill.
Once we got home, there was barely time to
enjoy our presents. We had to go off to our grandparents' house for our annual
Christmas dinner. As we drove down the highway through town, I noticed that the
family was still there, standing outside the closed gas station.
My father was driving very slowly down the
highway. The closer we got to my grandparents' house, the slower the car went.
Suddenly, my father U-turned in the middle of the road and said, "I can't
stand it!"
"What?" asked my mother.
"It's those people back there at the gas
station, standing in the rain. They've got children. It's Christmas. It's not
right."
When my father pulled into the service
station, I saw that there were five of them: the parents and three children
-two girls and a small boy.
My father rolled down his
window. "Merry Christmas," he said.
"Howdy," the man replied. He was
very tall and had to stoop slightly to peer into the car.
Jill, Sharon, and I stared at the children,
and they stared back at us.
"You waiting for the bus?" my
father asked.
The man said that they were. They were going
to Birmingham, where he had a brother and a chance for a job.
"Well, that bus isn't going to come
along for several hours, and you're getting wet standing here. Winborn's just a
couple miles up the road. They've got covered benches there," my father
said. "Why don't you get in the car, and I'll drive you up there."
The man thought about it for a moment, and
then he called to his family. They climbed into the car. They had no luggage,
only the clothes they were wearing.
Once they were settled in, my father looked
back over his shoulder and .A', asked
the children if Santa had found them yet. Three sad faces silently gave him his
answer.
"Well, I didn't think so," my
father said, winking at my mother, "because when I saw Santa this morning,
he told me that he was having trouble finding you, and he asked me if he could
leave your toys at my house. We'll just go get them before I take you to the
bus stop."
All at once, the three children's faces lit
up. and they began to bounce around in the backseat, laughing and chattering.
When we got out of the car at our house, the
three children ran through the front door and straight to the toys that were
spread out under our Christmas tree. One of the girls saw Jill's doll and
immediately hugged it to her breast. I remember that the little boy grabbed
Sharon's ball. And the other girl picked up something of mine. All this
happened a long time ago, but the memory of it remains clear. That was the
Christmas when my sisters and I learned the joy of making others happy.
My father invited them to join us at our
grandparents' for Christmas dinner, but the parents ( 6 ). Even when we all
tried to talk them into coming, they were firm in their decision.
Back in the car, on the way to Winborn, my
father asked the man if he had money for bus fare.
His brother had sent tickets, the man said.
My father reached into his pocket and pulled
out two dollars, which was all he had left until his next payday. He pressed
the money into the man's hand. The man tried to give it back, but my father
insisted. "It'll be late when you get to Birmingham, and these children
will be hungry before then. Take it. I've had hard times before, and I know
what it's like when you can't feed your family."
We left them there at the bus stop in
Winborn. As we drove away, I watched out the window as long as I could, looking
back at the little girl hugging her new doll.
| クリスマスに父の施した親切から学んだもの |
| クリスマスの日,雨中バス停にいる家族を父が見つけた。そんな状態でクリスマスを迎える家族に耐えられず,父は私たちのプレゼントを家族の子供たちにあげた。喜ぶ子供たちを見て,人を幸せにする大切さを学んだ。 |
【4月24日】
大問1
Several years ago, I approached an employee
at Facebook to manage an important new project. She seemed flattered at first
but then became noticeably hesitant. She told me that she wasn't sure she
should take on more responsibility. Obviously, something else was going on, so
I quietly asked, "Are you worried about taking this on because you're
considering having a child sometime soon?" A few years earlier, I would
have been afraid to ask this question. Managers are not supposed to factor
childbearing plans into account in hiring or management decisions. Raising this
topic in the workplace would give most employment lawyers a heart attack. But
after watching so many talented women pass on opportunities for unspoken
reasons, I started addressing this issue directly. f)I always give eople the
option of not answering, but so far, every woman I have asked has appeared
grateful for a chance to discuss the subject. I also make it clear that I am
only asking for one reason: to make sure they aren't limiting their options
unnecessarily.
In 2009, we were recruiting Priti Choksi Tto
join _Facebook's business development team. -After we extended an offer, -she
came in to ask some follow-up questions about the role: She did not mention
lifestyle or hours, but she was the typical age when women have children. -So
as we were wrapping up, I went for it. "If you think you might not take
this job because you want to have a child soon, I am happy to talk about
this." I figured if she didn't want to discuss it, she would just keep
heading for the door. Instead, she turned around, sat back down, and said,
"Let's talk." I explained that although it was counterintuitive, right
before having a child can actually be a great time to take a new job. If she
found her new role challenging and rewarding, she'd be more excited to return
to it after giving birth. If she stayed put, she might decide that her job was
not worth the sacrifice. Priti accepted our offer. By the time she started at
Facebook, she was already expecting. Eight months later, she had her baby, took four months
off, and came -back to a job she loved.
She later told me that if I had not raised the topic, she would have turned us
down. (391 words)
Sheryl Sandberg, Lean In:
Women, Work, and the Will to Lead
(Alfred,A. Knopf-, 2013)
| 女性の仕事では出産計画を積極的に話題に |
| 女性の出産計画を話題にすることは微妙で避けがちであるが,採用,任用に際しては重要な要素だ。単刀直入に話題にすることで,相手の背中を押すこともある。実際,このことを話題にして有能な女性を採用できた。 |
大問2
If you want to understand Japanese society,
take a trip to a swimming pool. It won't teach you all the intricacies of
Japanese life but as a thirty-minute primer you can't heat it. , Perhaps it's
because there are an awful lot of people crammed into a pretty limited space,
rather like Japan. Whenever I take a dip in Tokyo I find myself thinking how
the pool is a microcosm of the country as a whole.
The first thing that strikes you is how very
ordered it all is. There are clearly defined areas for swimming, mucking about
and water walking. It is a monument to the Japanese love of order and safety.
Often, even the swimming lanes are graded,
so that beginners and experienced swimmers are separated. But even where the
lanes are open to all, people usually manage to self-regulate so that they find
the right lane. The view from above reveals a mass of people swimming in neat
lines at almost the maximum possible distance from each other. When the
inevitable occasional bump occurs it is resolved with a mutual nod of apology.
A vision of peace.
Maybe I am going too far here, but it seems
even the people in pools tend to conform to the roles expected of them in
society. The kids play vigorously, just like they do outside the pool. The old
people are amazingly healthy and cheerful, walking and talking. Working people
swim. (And if you happen to spot a high school swimming club, they are sure to
be training hard-to an alarming degree).
This is all very different from the UK,
where a bird's eye view of a pool reveals a scene of indecipherable chaos. Kids
are jumping all over the place and screaming. They are supposed to stay out of
the deep end, but venture in by pulling themselves along the side of the pool.
Anyone attempting to swim is veering wildly from side to side in an effort to
get past the next group of
teenagers who are standing
in groups and tipping each other over. There most likely isn't anyone over 50.
If you bump into someone, you probably glare at him glaring back at you. (368 words)
Colin Joyce, How to Japan_ A
Tokyo Correspondent's Take (NHK
Publishing, 2009)
| 日本の社会を学ぶにはプールへ行こう |
| プールは日本社会の縮図だ。混み合った空間で整然と活動し,泳ぐ場所も区分され,争いも起きず,様々な年齢層の人がそれぞれの役割に応じて泳ぎを楽しんでいる。イギリスのプールを観察すれば,その違いは歴然だ。 |
大問3
Americans consider education the most
important factor in the struggle for individual success and collective growth.
Public education, because it is open to all, regardless of social class or
status, is the most basic expression of the ideal of equal opportunity. There
is a general belief that the higher a person rises in the educational system,
the greater that person's chances for attaining material wealth and personal
satisfaction. That is why "climbing the educational ladder" is a
dream and a goal, which, because of the public education system, has become a
reality for many.
In total, there are more than 3, 500 private
and public universities in the United States. However, at the university level,
private institutions are more common and are the choice of nearly 22% of
American college students. Some of these institutions have links to religious
groups, and others have upper-class roots, which go back to colonial tunes when
they were founded to endure the children of the landed aristocracy. The elitist profile of "Ivy League"
schools such as Harvard and Yale, among the most prestigious of these schools,
has changed during the second half of the 20th century. Enrollment at these
schools now reflects more varied segments of the population.
That leaves nearly 80% of the students at
the university level currently working toward degrees at public or state
institutions. These colleges are maintained primarily by taxes paid by state
residents. All states have more than one such institution. Tuition, however,
is, not free. All higher education has a price tag in the U.S., though students
can compete for a limited number of scholarships based on academic, artistic or
athletic achievements. Since major funding of state universities comes from
taxes, students who go to a college in their home state pay tuition costs that
are usually 1/4 to 1/3 of those paid by out-of-state students. Along with tuition,
students must pay for housing, food, extra-curricular activities, health
insurance and books. It all adds up, even for in-state students, to an amount
that can be prohibitive for some. This is one of the reasons many parents start
saving for their children's college education when their children are young.
Students themselves often contribute to the cost of their education by working
during high school and college.
Still, for some, the price is too high.
For these people, there are a number of
financial aid programs designed to make a college education possible. Among these are low-interest government loans
for education, which must be paid back in the first years following graduation.
Also, universities set aside a number of administrative or non-skilled jobs on
the campus to be awarded to students in work-study programs. These programs
allow students to trade from fifteen to twenty-five hours of work per week for
-,tuition credits. A number of other part-time jobs are also available in food
services, local shops and businesses. (479 words)
Waldyr,Lima (Editor in
Chief) America at the Dawn of a New Millennium (CCLS Publishing. House, 1998)
| アメリカの大学教育事情 |
| アメリカ社会では公教育を受けることが社会的成功の鍵だ。私立大学は門戸を広げている。80%の学生が所属する公立大学に通うのにも学費,生活費などが必要で,親,学生本人,大学は教育の保証のために努力している。 |
【5月11日】
問4
University students in the U.K. have developed a reputation for being rowdy and lazy, and are generally looked down upon by the working adult population.
Their perception of us is that we spend all of our time sleeping, partying, occasionally rolling out of bed to go to a lecture or two, then repeating this disreputable cycle until we eventually graduate with an *undeserved degree.
Although I can't deny that this isn't far from the truth for some students, especially freshmen at the start of first year, I feel indignant that all students are regarded in this way.
In fact my housemates and I lead fairly civilized lifestyles several times a week we all help cook wholesome homemade meals, which we sit down and eat together as you would with your family.
Many students not only work hard on their courses, they also spend their free time doing volunteer work, for example for Nightline — a telephone helpline for students, and Marrow — a charity which helps to recruit bone marrow donors for people suffering from leukemia.
As a medical student, I strongly believe in the importance of balancing work and social life, the *mantra being "work hard, play hard," in order to stay enthusiastic throughout the term.
After all, almost any adult will tell you that once you start working, you look back at university days as being the best time of your life, so we might as well make the most of it while we can!
出典 Anna Nakamura, "University students are so misunderstood in the public eye!" (258 words)
Asahi Weekly (June 14, 2015)
| 英国の大学生の評判と実像 |
| 英国の大学生は破天荒で怠惰な生活を送っていると考えられているが,私のようにきちんとした生活を送り,ボランティアなど社会的活動に関わっている学生もいる。学生時代は学業と社会生活の両立が大切だと思う。 |
問5
[1] Man has gazed at the stars ever since he could stand erect, and man was dreaming about traveling among the stars long before he dared to dream of crossing oceans. His mind could * soar, and it soared into the heavens. There he saw the gods, Jupiter and Juno and Mars, and, in another age, another religion, *Jehovah.
[2] Man is a dreamer, and even in this age of cost accounting when there are those who insist on putting a price tag on every dream, asking, "Yes, but does it have any practical value?" man insists on letting his mind soar. He *devours science fiction.
[3] Though possibility of realizing the dreams is new, science fiction is not an invention of the 20th century. Man has made his dreams into stories. The ancient Greeks in their mythology told each other the story of * Icarus. Daedalus, father of Icarus, fashioned a pair of wings for his son from birds' feathers held together by wax. Daedalus warned him not to fly too high and especially not to fly too near the sun, but curiosity overcame him. The sun melted the wax, and Icarus fell to his death.
[4] Today science fiction writers tell of visits from other planets by demons with the power to destroy the minds and souls of men. It's an idea that is found as far back as * Plutarch. He believed that demons inhabiting the moon occasionally journeyed to earth to bring disasters. He suggested Socrates was such a demon.
[5] The ancients, of course, had only a limited knowledge of science, so the science fiction of ancient times had only a little relation to reality. With the invention of the telescope in the 17th century, however, this began to change. Man continued to dream, but increasingly his dreams became founded on fact. They became * prophecies, many of which have since come true.
[6] Many of the great science-fiction writers of modern times have been well grounded in science, some have actually been scientists. In fact the first great science-fiction writer of modern times was *Johannes Kepler, the astronomer. He wrote Somnium, a story of a voyage to the moon that anticipated many of the problems confronted by space scientists who came after him.
[7] Even in 1634, 269 years before the Wright brothers and 323 years before Sputnik, Kepler realized that flying within the earth's atmosphere and traveling in outer space could not be alike, and he anticipated many of the special problems that the space voyager would face — the cold and the lack of air. Writing 31 years before Sir Isaac Newton developed his theory of gravity, Kepler recognized that both the earth and the moon exerted what we called "a magnificent influence." In Somnium, Kepler's hero reaches a point in space where the magnetic influence of the moon exceeds that of the earth and pulls him to a landing. As a scientist who also wrote science fiction, Johannes Kepler was the forerunner of today's science-fiction writers. (504 words)
| 人類の夢,宇宙旅行を反映したSFの変遷 |
| 人類は誕生以来宇宙旅行を夢み,物語に反映させてきた。イカルスの物語,宇宙からの訪問者の話もSFと言える。SFは神話より科学的事実に基づくようになったが,ケプラーは宇宙旅行に関して多くのことを予測していた。 |
Super Reading (Learn, Inc.)
【5月29日】
問4
University students in the U.K. have developed a reputation for being rowdy and lazy, and are generally looked down upon by the working adult population.
Their perception of us is that we spend all of our time sleeping, partying, occasionally rolling out of bed to go to a lecture or two, then repeating this disreputable cycle until we eventually graduate with an *undeserved degree.
Although I can't deny that this isn't far from the truth for some students, especially freshmen at the start of first year, I feel indignant that all students are regarded in this way.
In fact my housemates and I lead fairly civilized lifestyles several times a week we all help cook wholesome homemade meals, which we sit down and eat together as you would with your family.
Many students not only work hard on their courses, they also spend their free time doing volunteer work, for example for Nightline — a telephone helpline for students, and Marrow — a charity which helps to recruit bone marrow donors for people suffering from leukemia.
As a medical student, I strongly believe in the importance of balancing work and social life, the *mantra being "work hard, play hard," in order to stay enthusiastic throughout the term.
After all, almost any adult will tell you that once you start working, you look back at university days as being the best time of your life, so we might as well make the most of it while we can!
出典 Anna Nakamura, "University students are so misunderstood in the public eye!" (258 words)
Asahi Weekly (June 14, 2015)
| 英国の大学生の評判と実像 |
| 英国の大学生は破天荒で怠惰な生活を送っていると考えられているが,私のようにきちんとした生活を送り,ボランティアなど社会的活動に関わっている学生もいる。学生時代は学業と社会生活の両立が大切だと思う。 |
問5
[1] Man has gazed at the stars ever since he could stand erect, and man was dreaming about traveling among the stars long before he dared to dream of crossing oceans. His mind could * soar, and it soared into the heavens. There he saw the gods, Jupiter and Juno and Mars, and, in another age, another religion, *Jehovah.
[2] Man is a dreamer, and even in this age of cost accounting when there are those who insist on putting a price tag on every dream, asking, "Yes, but does it have any practical value?" man insists on letting his mind soar. He *devours science fiction.
[3] Though possibility of realizing the dreams is new, science fiction is not an invention of the 20th century. Man has made his dreams into stories. The ancient Greeks in their mythology told each other the story of * Icarus. Daedalus, father of Icarus, fashioned a pair of wings for his son from birds' feathers held together by wax. Daedalus warned him not to fly too high and especially not to fly too near the sun, but curiosity overcame him. The sun melted the wax, and Icarus fell to his death.
[4] Today science fiction writers tell of visits from other planets by demons with the power to destroy the minds and souls of men. It's an idea that is found as far back as * Plutarch. He believed that demons inhabiting the moon occasionally journeyed to earth to bring disasters. He suggested Socrates was such a demon.
[5] The ancients, of course, had only a limited knowledge of science, so the science fiction of ancient times had only a little relation to reality. With the invention of the telescope in the 17th century, however, this began to change. Man continued to dream, but increasingly his dreams became founded on fact. They became * prophecies, many of which have since come true.
[6] Many of the great science-fiction writers of modern times have been well grounded in science, some have actually been scientists. In fact the first great science-fiction writer of modern times was *Johannes Kepler, the astronomer. He wrote Somnium, a story of a voyage to the moon that anticipated many of the problems confronted by space scientists who came after him.
[7] Even in 1634, 269 years before the Wright brothers and 323 years before Sputnik, Kepler realized that flying within the earth's atmosphere and traveling in outer space could not be alike, and he anticipated many of the special problems that the space voyager would face — the cold and the lack of air. Writing 31 years before Sir Isaac Newton developed his theory of gravity, Kepler recognized that both the earth and the moon exerted what we called "a magnificent influence." In Somnium, Kepler's hero reaches a point in space where the magnetic influence of the moon exceeds that of the earth and pulls him to a landing. As a scientist who also wrote science fiction, Johannes Kepler was the forerunner of today's science-fiction writers. (504 words)
Super Reading (Learn, Inc.)
| 人類の夢,宇宙旅行を反映したSFの変遷 |
| 人類は誕生以来宇宙旅行を夢み,物語に反映させてきた。イカルスの物語,宇宙からの訪問者の話もSFと言える。SFは神話より科学的事実に基づくようになったが,ケプラーは宇宙旅行に関して多くのことを予測していた。 |
【5月29日】